Sunday, October 19, 2008

Racist GOP mailing depicts Obama surrounded by KFC, watermelon, and food stamps

Racist GOP mailing depicts Obama surrounded by KFC, watermelon, and food stamps.

http://www.reuters.com/article/blogBurst/politics?5type=politicsNews&w1=B7ovpm21IaDoL40ZFnNfGe&w2=B7tmRCRJt2YFzDsa7MJ1CblL&src=blogBurst_politicsNews&bbPostId=B2vuWCeAAO2FCzDNERKbhX0RkB53J3ei8q5gYB8IqKcgbfsr5&bbParentWidgetId=B7tmRCRJt2YFzDsa7MJ1CblL



A local California GOP women’s organization’s most recent newsletter claims that if Obama is elected, his face will appear on food stamps, rather than dollar bills like other presidents. The group then included a picture of “Obama Bucks” — a phony $10 bill with Obama surrounded by racist imagery:



The president of the organization, Diane Fedele, didn’t understand the charges of racism: “I didn’t see it the way that it’s being taken. I never connected. It was just food to me.” One African-American member of the club said that upon seeing the newsletter, she “cried for 45 minutes.” “This is what keeps African-Americans from joining the Republican Party,” she added. (HT: TPM and Oliver Willis)

(Well, yeah.  African-Americans generally don't join the Republican Party because its members are inherently racist. And they don't even understand racist symbols when they use them.  Yeah right.  Ha ha ha.)

Monday, October 13, 2008

The Power of Political Pratfalls

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/13/arts/13conn.html?_r=1&ref=arts&oref=slogin

By EDWARD ROTHSTEIN


Published: October 12, 2008

A bumbling president, a rube candidate, a greedy politician — such are the caricatures of political life. Whether accurate or not, they can be more powerful than any argument.



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Video: 'Saturday Night Live' Parodies the Vice- Presidential Debate

Related

An Election to Laugh About (October 9, 2008)




Ideas & Trends: Laugh, or the World Laughs at You (October 5, 2008) Recall the fate of President Gerald Ford, doomed to be remembered as an irredeemable klutz, a judgment that readily slips into assessments of his political acumen. Why? Mainly because more than 30 years ago the comedian Chevy Chase used an incident in which Ford stumbled and made it the central feature of his impersonation on “Saturday Night Live.” Every Ford skit ended with disastrous pratfalls. The impression created a reality that caricature, of course, may have been flawed since Ford was a star athlete in his youth. But the image persists.



Such is the strange influence of caricature in politics. During the recent vice presidential debates, for example, one candidate, boasting of a “mavericky” perspective, when asked about how to deal with the world economic crisis, said: “We’re gonna ask ourselves what would a maverick do in this situation, and then ya know, we’ll do that.” That same candidate, asked about global warming, said: “We don’t know if this climate change whosie-whatsit is man-made or if it’s just a natural part of the End of Days.”



Oh, wait a minute. That wasn’t Gov. Sarah Palin in the debate. That was Tina Fey doing her impression of Sarah Palin in the debate on “Saturday Night Live,” an impersonation — filled with perky winks and folksy gosh-darn-its and a self-conscious elimination of g’s at the end of whatever word she happened to be sayin’ — that was so resonant, it almost displaced Ms. Palin’s own performance as herself. Ms. Fey’s impression appeared on countless news reports, inspired political punditry, racked up hits on YouTube and was watched in full on the NBC Web site, nbc.com, where it had, at last check, nearly five million views.



Is Ms. Fey’s Sarah Palin destined to be the defining caricature in a campaign of exaggerated postures and caricatures? It may be. At times there has even been some ambiguity about where reality ends and caricature begins. In a sketch that recreated a unfortunate interview Ms. Palin had with Katie Couric of CBS News, Ms. Fey actually quoted Ms. Palin’s own meandering words as the setup to a quiz-show punch line: “Katie, I’d like to use a lifeline now.”



So what gives caricature its unusual power? Physically, caricature typically takes a particular feature — a hairdo, a verbal tic, a hand gesture, an accent — and exaggerates it, giving it such prominence that we come to see the person in a new and different light. Nearly every political cartoonist now portrays Senator Barack Obama with a narrow head and protruding ears; we begin to see him the same way.



The word comes from the Italian “caricare,” meaning “to overload.” Some characteristic is heavily piled on: the elongated nose, the prominent belly, the bulbous eyes. Caricature seems to have its earliest associations with portraits that showed human subjects to be transformed animals. This can be just a trick of perception, but the art comes from connecting physical characteristics to character, the way Leonardo da Vinci did in his human-animal hybrids. For a great caricaturist, physiognomy is a reflection of the hidden soul: by showing us something exaggerated, something overlooked is revealed.



That is also what gives caricature a polemical role in politics. Caricature characterizes and criticizes. While it can also distort and misrepresent, it claims to disclose a political physiognomy, bringing its contours to the surface. David Levine, for example, whose caricatures have been a staple of The New York Review of Books, created a powerful image of President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1966 by alluding to an almost trivial incident: Johnson exposing the scar on his belly from a recent gall bladder operation. But Mr. Levine turned the scar into a defining physical characteristic of the man. He also turned it into his defining political characteristic because the scar was a map of Vietnam. The caricature was accurate to the point of prophecy: it showed the wound that was to bring down the president.



Another kind of political caricature appeared in last week’s New York Observer: Jason Horowitz compared the supposed emotional style of Senator John McCain with the apparent unflappability of Senator Barack Obama — a point, as he noted, that has been made before. But the essay’s focus came from an intellectual caricature, a portrait of exaggerated temperaments, reproduced by Drew Friedman in a color drawing. The candidates — in a cloaked form of advocacy — are portrayed as “Star Trek” archetypes: Senator McCain the demonstrative, emotional Captain Kirk; Senator Obama, the coolly detached Mr. Spock.



The most famous historical example of the influence of caricatures may be Thomas Nast’s cartoons for Harper’s Weekly in the 1870s, which drew attention to the corruption of William Marcy Tweed in New York City. The immensity of both the greed and power of the political leader, known as Boss Tweed, was alluded to by the figure’s giant belly. In one cartoon, called “The Brain,” Nast showed Tweed’s weighty body topped by a bulging moneybag in the shape of his head. “Stop those damn pictures,” Tweed is reported to have said. “I don’t care what they print about me, most of my constituents can’t read anyway — but those damn pictures!”



Of course caricature is never truly accurate; its job is to exaggerate, it dispenses with detail. This also makes it immune from easy challenge. A caricature bypasses argument. And now that pictures have become central to political life, caricatures have grown even stronger, and caricatured images are joined by caricatures of ideas.



That is one reason why, though debate and disagreement abound during this election season, in the midst of the fray there’s remarkably little argument; postures and personalities are engaged in battle, not clearly defined policies or political ideas. In the presidential debate last week a coherent thread could scarcely be found; the candidates thrust prefab speeches and wonky allusions into their ripostes.



That is also why the attack mode of political campaigning has become so familiar: how else can caricatures confront each other? Candidates turn themselves into caricatures; opponents counter with their own. Debates today seem to be a kind of imagistic chess in which stump speeches and stock phrases are moved about to attract attention. The closest we get to argument are accusations. Arguments can be challenged on evidence or logic, but a caricature will have none of it. Instead of arguments we get caricatures of arguments. It is no wonder that the most talked-about event of the campaign so far is a caricature, and one that encapsulated what many already believed.



But it is impossible to imagine contemporary politics without caricature. It has come to seem almost necessary, providing a form of shorthand. Candidates provide the caricatures; pundits turn them into arguments.



In this case Ms. Palin seems prepared to offer a countercaricature. She said of Ms. Fey last month: “I love her. She’s a hoot, and she’s so talented.” So perhaps Sarah Palin will meet “Sarah Palin” one day. Or she may caricature “Tina Fey” to do battle with Tina Fey. In a way the confrontation has already begun. Ms. Palin — you can imagine the wink — said of Ms. Fey: “It would be fun to meet her, imitate her and keep on giving her new material.”



Connections is a critic’s perspective on arts and ideas.

Sunday, October 12, 2008

Branchflower JuicyBits

You may be surprised to learn that I have started another blog on Sarah Palin...or not!

This features the Branchflower Report and will deal with the other legal situations that arise around the Paliban.

http://branchflowerjuicybits.blogspot.com

Alaskan Independence Party: The Last Refuge of A Scoundrel

http://www.truthout.org/101208Z



Thursday 09 October 2008


by: Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Huffington Post





(Illustration: Alaskan Independence Party)

In 2004, America's malleable mainstream media allowed itself to be manipulated by artful Republican operatives into devoting weeks of broadcast attention and drums of ink to unfairly desecrating John Kerry's genuine Vietnam heroics while obligingly muzzling serious discussion of George W. Bush's shameful wartime record of evasion and cowardice.

Last week found the American media once again boarding Republican swift boats against this season's Democratic candidate armed with unfair and hypocritical attacks artfully designed by GOP strategists to distract attention from the cataclysmic outcomes of Republican governance. Vice Presidential hopeful Sarah Palin has taken to faulting Senator Barack Obama for his casual acquaintance with a respected Illinois educator Bill Ayers, who forty years ago was a member of the Weathermen, a movement active when Obama was eight and which he has denounced as "detestable." Palin argues that the relationship proves that Obama sees "America as being so imperfect that he is palling around with terrorists who would target their own country."

The Times dedicated a page one article to Obama's relations with Ayers and CNN's Anderson Cooper obliged Palin by rewarding her reckless accusations about Obama's patriotism with a major investigative report. Fox, meanwhile, is still riveting its audience with wall to wall coverage of this pressing irrelevancy.

But if McCarthy-era guilt-by-association is once again a valid political consideration, Palin, it would seem, has more to lose than Obama. Palin, it could be argued, following her own logic, thinks so little of America's perfection that she continues to "pal around" with a man - her husband, actually - who only recently terminated his seven-year membership in the Alaskan Independence Party. Putting plunder above patriotism, the members of this treasonous cabal aim to break our country into pieces and walk away with Alaska's rich federal oil fields and one-fifth of America's land base - an area three-fourths the size of the Civil War Confederacy.

AIP's charter commits the party "to the ultimate independence of Alaska," from the United States which it refers to as "the colonial bureaucracy in Washington." It proclaims Alaska's 1959 induction as a state "as illegal and in violation of the United Nations charter and international law."

AIP's creation was inspired by the rabidly violent anti-Americanism of its founding father Joe Vogler, "I'm an Alaskan, not an American," reads a favorite Vogler quote on AIP's current website, "I've got no use for America or her damned institutions." According to Vogler AIP's central purpose was to drive Alaska's secession from the United States. Alaska, says current Chairwoman Lynette Clark, "should be an independent nation."

Vogler was murdered in 1993 during an illegal sale of plastic explosives that went bad. The prior year, he had renounced his allegiance to the United States explaining that, "The fires of hell are frozen glaciers compared to my hatred for the American government." He cursed the stars and stripes, promising, "I won't be buried under their damned flag...when Alaska is an independent nation they can bring my bones home." Palin has never denounced Vogler or his detestable anti-Americanism.

Palin's husband Todd remained an AIP party member from 1995 to 2002. Sarah can be described in McCarthy-era palaver as a "fellow traveler." While retaining her Republican registration, she attended the AIP's 1994 convention where the party called for a draft constitution to secede from the United States and create an independent nation of Alaska. The McCain Campaign has reluctantly acknowledged that she also attended AIP's 2000 Convention. She apparently found the experience so inspiring that she agreed to give a keynote address at the AIP's 2006 convention and she recorded a video greeting for this year's 2008 convention. In other words, this is not something that happened when she was eight!

So when Palin accuses Barack of "not seeing the same America as you and me," maybe she is referring to an America without Alaska. In any case, isn't it time the media start giving equal time to Palin's buddy list of anti-American bombers and other radical associates?